Provide temporary residence permits to Tunisians landed on Lampedusa so that they cross borders and settle in France: Paris, the very idea is blasphemy now that immigration has become an issue in the campaign presidential. Just read the recent speeches by Nicolas Sarkozy, in particular that of Grenoble (summer 2010): the Elysee then abandoned his idea of selective immigration to prefer the control of migration flows - in other words, an open war against illegal immigration and a zero tolerance for illegal immigrants.
Just look racist scapegoating *, but also focus on the ideas and career of Patrick Buisson, special adviser, listened particularly in times of crisis. In September 2007, the newly elected president calls the Legion of Honor by Patrick Buisson token of appreciation for his help during the campaign.
"There are very few people I can say 'if I'm here is because of them." Patrick Bush is one of them there ", said the president. Since then, Nicolas Sarkozy consults the time: the two men speak every day on the phone and meet regularly face to face. Indeed, the French president has always strictly followed the advice in this political scientist's past right-wing journalist, his face stern and slightly disturbing.
In the 1980s, after a degree in history, Patrick Buisson became editor and then editor of the weekly Minute, the newspaper most opposed to Mitterand. There memorable launch attacks against Pierre Mauroy, Laurent Fabius and the caviar left who disdained the little people. And indeed, at the time, he was a convinced Le Pen.
Fundamentalist without being a practicing Catholic, a lover of Gregorian chants and polyphonic Buisson nationalism in the skin and anticommunism as a trademark. He never repudiated his ideas then. Ideas that also made him the man who whispers in the ear of the president. Patrick Bush has long been an adviser to Sarkozy's shadow, but the French have only recently discovered.
During the 2007 presidential campaign, had been able to see him pontificate on the continuous news channel LCI. The French listened to his relentless reasoning, its analysis devoid of any emotion, but they knew he was the chief instigator of some of the main themes of the campaign. It is he who suggested to Sarkozy in the winter of 2007, to dramatize the issue of insecurity by taking advantage of riots at the Gare du Nord [Paris] between police and youths of North African origin .
He still, not for his Republican Henry Guaino, which would have blown the UMP candidate to consider creating a Ministry of Immigration and National Identity in March 2007. "To my left Guaino to my right Buisson," summed up proudly Sarkozy. But the collaboration between the two men had begun some years earlier.
In October 2004, Bush had distanced itself from the political class being the only one to predict the defeat of Jacques Chirac in the referendum on the Constitutional Treaty of the European Union. This was the only one to anticipate the victory of "no" to 55%. Sarkozy, impressed by one of his television performances, decided on the spot to make his eminence grise.
Become special adviser to the candidate, Bush insisted that the UMP go poaching on the land of the National Front. Why oppose the far right when you can steal his ideas? For Bush, it is essential to play on people's fears, the difficulties of integrating immigrants and the need to get rid of illegals.
We must lay bare the unease of all French people "who feel more at home in France," denounce "prolophobie" elites who think only ally with the left to oppose a Republican front the far right instead of addressing the real problems of real French. It is from these principles that were born several ideas flagship policies, such as rehabilitation work, symbols of national identity, the pillory of Islam under the guise of secularism, the dismantling of "positive secularism "advocated in 2007.
Recently, in the inter-cantonal towers, it's still the austere Bush to Sarkozy who blew the line of "neither-nor", that is to say not to give any instruction to vote to prevent any rapprochement with the National Front with the left as anti-FN. Today, many are beginning to express doubts about the true ambitions of counsel "to the right," often found closer to the ideas of Le Pen as those of Sarkozy.
Some do not hesitate to go further, like Herve Gattegno, editor at the Point, which already considers the man who will lose Sarkozy in 2012. 
Just look racist scapegoating *, but also focus on the ideas and career of Patrick Buisson, special adviser, listened particularly in times of crisis. In September 2007, the newly elected president calls the Legion of Honor by Patrick Buisson token of appreciation for his help during the campaign.
"There are very few people I can say 'if I'm here is because of them." Patrick Bush is one of them there ", said the president. Since then, Nicolas Sarkozy consults the time: the two men speak every day on the phone and meet regularly face to face. Indeed, the French president has always strictly followed the advice in this political scientist's past right-wing journalist, his face stern and slightly disturbing.
In the 1980s, after a degree in history, Patrick Buisson became editor and then editor of the weekly Minute, the newspaper most opposed to Mitterand. There memorable launch attacks against Pierre Mauroy, Laurent Fabius and the caviar left who disdained the little people. And indeed, at the time, he was a convinced Le Pen.
Fundamentalist without being a practicing Catholic, a lover of Gregorian chants and polyphonic Buisson nationalism in the skin and anticommunism as a trademark. He never repudiated his ideas then. Ideas that also made him the man who whispers in the ear of the president. Patrick Bush has long been an adviser to Sarkozy's shadow, but the French have only recently discovered.
During the 2007 presidential campaign, had been able to see him pontificate on the continuous news channel LCI. The French listened to his relentless reasoning, its analysis devoid of any emotion, but they knew he was the chief instigator of some of the main themes of the campaign. It is he who suggested to Sarkozy in the winter of 2007, to dramatize the issue of insecurity by taking advantage of riots at the Gare du Nord [Paris] between police and youths of North African origin .
He still, not for his Republican Henry Guaino, which would have blown the UMP candidate to consider creating a Ministry of Immigration and National Identity in March 2007. "To my left Guaino to my right Buisson," summed up proudly Sarkozy. But the collaboration between the two men had begun some years earlier.
In October 2004, Bush had distanced itself from the political class being the only one to predict the defeat of Jacques Chirac in the referendum on the Constitutional Treaty of the European Union. This was the only one to anticipate the victory of "no" to 55%. Sarkozy, impressed by one of his television performances, decided on the spot to make his eminence grise.
Become special adviser to the candidate, Bush insisted that the UMP go poaching on the land of the National Front. Why oppose the far right when you can steal his ideas? For Bush, it is essential to play on people's fears, the difficulties of integrating immigrants and the need to get rid of illegals.
We must lay bare the unease of all French people "who feel more at home in France," denounce "prolophobie" elites who think only ally with the left to oppose a Republican front the far right instead of addressing the real problems of real French. It is from these principles that were born several ideas flagship policies, such as rehabilitation work, symbols of national identity, the pillory of Islam under the guise of secularism, the dismantling of "positive secularism "advocated in 2007.
Recently, in the inter-cantonal towers, it's still the austere Bush to Sarkozy who blew the line of "neither-nor", that is to say not to give any instruction to vote to prevent any rapprochement with the National Front with the left as anti-FN. Today, many are beginning to express doubts about the true ambitions of counsel "to the right," often found closer to the ideas of Le Pen as those of Sarkozy.
Some do not hesitate to go further, like Herve Gattegno, editor at the Point, which already considers the man who will lose Sarkozy in 2012.
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