Silvio Berlusconi formally entered the election campaign. It was announced from the steps of the courthouse in Milan. The duration is indefinite and the choice of the election date will depend on many polls. When his beloved pollsters indicate in its favor an approval rate rising and stable on a remodeling of its majority to enable it to win both the House and Senate, he will find some pretext and launch a campaign Election flash.
Certainly he will ally for the League, but do not underestimate the great job matchmakers and other election officials, renamed the "Leaders", and he will enjoy the fact that objections remain enmeshed in debates about who can govern, who must govern, and with whom. But in the meantime, Berlusconi has decided that, unable to avoid the courtroom and being assured of a maximum level of attention from the Italian and international media who are hostile to him, he had every reason to transform the risk to opportunity and crisis management in its own way, that is to say, according to a classic model of marketing.
Berlusconi, as always, will dictate the media agenda. Today, the only citizen to whom this privilege is granted, he went on television two hours before the hearing to say what he thought of the trial [which is held in connection with the case where he is accused Mediatrade tax evasion on TV rights].
Then he went to court for one day absolutely irrelevant in terms of media (in fact the hearing was adjourned to 4 April) and no risk to his image, and it has turned into show: there he is back to the podium, with the flags in the background of the People of Liberty, to charge its usual theorems on justice.
Berlusconi today opened a communication format that I think we will see repeated in identical form in the coming weeks. There was awaited by a crowd of fans charged to the slap and partly composed of his supporters came to support it (why not?) And partly of Italians regularly paid for this service, a job that is 100% consistent with legislation and which gives its communication extraordinary value.
Indeed, just a hundred extras, photos and assorted shots to whet the lips of the Italians. The electoral campaign, Berlusconi imposes now is totally apolitical. Conceptual categories that are exclusively seeking psychological or psychoanalytical identification, projection, denial and repression are the keywords for this operation Freudian.
Projection and identification. It is on the maxim "I want to be like Berlusconi" the president of Italy has built many of his political success. It is not surprising that after the scandals Noemi Letizia and Patrizia D'Addario, it has not stopped him from bringing in very young women to dinner.
Better, he doubled the bet, aware of the psychological mechanisms of many Italians vis-à-vis the Cavaliere. Voters are now divided into three categories: the vicious, the hypocrites and the saints, and Berlusconi speaks directly to the first two, which constitute the vast majority of the population.
It gives these people what further strengthen their identification with Cavaliere and their reflection of the citizen who thinks more and more often "in his place would have done the same thing." The identification is fluid and applies to any age where the time: today is that Berlusconi is identified.
Denial and repression. Other timeless classics. How many Italians deny the evidence in the person of Berlusconi? Berlusconi and how many times he denied the obvious about it? And how many citizens, many of our friends or relatives they deny their wrongdoing, even if they are obvious? Again, the process of identification between Berlusconi and the Italians through a huge machine in which psychoanalytic emotional attachment to the person causing reactions classic defense.
Is that playing politics? Yes, if the owner's political power is also that of media power. In this case the simplified messages, away from rationality, Manichaean and fragmented enough to achieve desired outcomes. The court and its symbolism, fueled by the historical presentation of the reform of justice by the President, is the ideal place to build communication formats understandable by all: justice is unjust in Italy -> Justice persecutes me -> It is unfair that I am persecuted.
In this symbolic context very difficult to challenge Berlusconi and his opponents to take away one more argument: ("He does not appear before the court) and take every opportunity in the courtroom and outside to talk anything else, for instance promises he will do the Italians. This is my projection, if you share it, call it if you can to the leaders of the opposition. 
Certainly he will ally for the League, but do not underestimate the great job matchmakers and other election officials, renamed the "Leaders", and he will enjoy the fact that objections remain enmeshed in debates about who can govern, who must govern, and with whom. But in the meantime, Berlusconi has decided that, unable to avoid the courtroom and being assured of a maximum level of attention from the Italian and international media who are hostile to him, he had every reason to transform the risk to opportunity and crisis management in its own way, that is to say, according to a classic model of marketing.
Berlusconi, as always, will dictate the media agenda. Today, the only citizen to whom this privilege is granted, he went on television two hours before the hearing to say what he thought of the trial [which is held in connection with the case where he is accused Mediatrade tax evasion on TV rights].
Then he went to court for one day absolutely irrelevant in terms of media (in fact the hearing was adjourned to 4 April) and no risk to his image, and it has turned into show: there he is back to the podium, with the flags in the background of the People of Liberty, to charge its usual theorems on justice.
Berlusconi today opened a communication format that I think we will see repeated in identical form in the coming weeks. There was awaited by a crowd of fans charged to the slap and partly composed of his supporters came to support it (why not?) And partly of Italians regularly paid for this service, a job that is 100% consistent with legislation and which gives its communication extraordinary value.
Indeed, just a hundred extras, photos and assorted shots to whet the lips of the Italians. The electoral campaign, Berlusconi imposes now is totally apolitical. Conceptual categories that are exclusively seeking psychological or psychoanalytical identification, projection, denial and repression are the keywords for this operation Freudian.
Projection and identification. It is on the maxim "I want to be like Berlusconi" the president of Italy has built many of his political success. It is not surprising that after the scandals Noemi Letizia and Patrizia D'Addario, it has not stopped him from bringing in very young women to dinner.
Better, he doubled the bet, aware of the psychological mechanisms of many Italians vis-à-vis the Cavaliere. Voters are now divided into three categories: the vicious, the hypocrites and the saints, and Berlusconi speaks directly to the first two, which constitute the vast majority of the population.
It gives these people what further strengthen their identification with Cavaliere and their reflection of the citizen who thinks more and more often "in his place would have done the same thing." The identification is fluid and applies to any age where the time: today is that Berlusconi is identified.
Denial and repression. Other timeless classics. How many Italians deny the evidence in the person of Berlusconi? Berlusconi and how many times he denied the obvious about it? And how many citizens, many of our friends or relatives they deny their wrongdoing, even if they are obvious? Again, the process of identification between Berlusconi and the Italians through a huge machine in which psychoanalytic emotional attachment to the person causing reactions classic defense.
Is that playing politics? Yes, if the owner's political power is also that of media power. In this case the simplified messages, away from rationality, Manichaean and fragmented enough to achieve desired outcomes. The court and its symbolism, fueled by the historical presentation of the reform of justice by the President, is the ideal place to build communication formats understandable by all: justice is unjust in Italy -> Justice persecutes me -> It is unfair that I am persecuted.
In this symbolic context very difficult to challenge Berlusconi and his opponents to take away one more argument: ("He does not appear before the court) and take every opportunity in the courtroom and outside to talk anything else, for instance promises he will do the Italians. This is my projection, if you share it, call it if you can to the leaders of the opposition.
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