Here, we only missed more than that: the French enemy. "In France, oil, us immigrants," we read some of the posters appeared on these days in Rome. In Italy, anti-French movement brings together the champions of the right social Gianni Alemanno [the mayor of Rome, today's neo-fascist ally Silvio Berlusconi] and supporters of Umberto Bossi [President of the Northern League party and xenophobic populist].
Fait accompli, Umberto Bossi said the bombings in Libya with his customary elegance: "We'll still be able to get lost among the Greeks." Silvio Berlusconi is furious against Nicolas Sarkozy. It happens rarely feel as mystified. While he was flying to Paris, the other had agreed with the British and Americans, and had already launched its bombers.
Moreover, the trade war that is taking place around Parmalat only fuels anti-French aversion [the purchase of 30% stake in Italian dairy giant Parmalat by Lactalis has awakened some economic patriotism in Italy]. The grievances extend to too great a place occupied Paris in financial institutions, International Monetary Fund and European Central Bank.
This is the technocratic variant of an old antipathy qu'attisent the Italian, especially when they find themselves enmeshed in the social discontent or nauseating revelations in hopes poorly disguised to divert attention on this feeling recurrent mixture complicated by love and hatred that runs through history and feeds the imagination since Julius Caesar to Asterix.
Also, feedback from Berlusconi battalions media about the Libyan case seems more than excessive, exceeding the bounds of legitimate animosity. Abroad, the Italian offensive against the Elysee improvised must seem both predictable and ridiculous. Libero, Il Giornale and Panorama [newspapers owned by Silvio Berlusconi and used to defend its interests] range from cheap shots based on revelations of the secret services of France, which arms the rebels after he sold Muammar Gaddafi's weapons with which it the massacre, and bad effects of race - such as that which concludes the editorial of the weekly Panorama: "On the other side of the Alps, they should occasionally be remembered that Napoleon was not only their general history.
There is also the General Cambronne. "Sarkozy wanted to lead us in a deadly duel," reads yet. Throughout this case, the worst appetites are involved: oil, geopolitics, Africa, the Mediterranean trade, prestige, everything that makes the sometimes conflicting interests of two nations. Nobody, however, at a time when the personalization of power has escaped any action, can not exclude that "the French enemy" is also an intimate enemy.
This is more the result of Silvio Berlusconi, let's say, that of Nicolas Sarkozy. Too similar not to hate. Similar but different enough to conclude, given the abundant visual and documentary evidence (like this video where the Italian leader waved his Romanian counterpart that the French are crazy), that Berlusconi does not support Sarkozy.
After all, Jacques Chirac - with whom things were still pretty bad - still an old man. In the middle of the first round of scandals, he told one day, Berlusconi exclaimed indicating the bidet in his room: "Oh, if those tiles could talk!" An anecdote unsympathetic, but Chirac will is now gone, to leave his place to another.
Less wealthy than Berlusconi, right, with less international experience, is heard, but younger, prettier, classier, more everything. Not to mention the coup de grace: Sarkozy has the "girlfriend" one of the most beautiful women in the world. We owe to Berlusconi for having introduced into public discourse the register of envy and have promoted a diplomacy of relationships.
One can legitimately ask whether one or the other are not being turned against him. 
Fait accompli, Umberto Bossi said the bombings in Libya with his customary elegance: "We'll still be able to get lost among the Greeks." Silvio Berlusconi is furious against Nicolas Sarkozy. It happens rarely feel as mystified. While he was flying to Paris, the other had agreed with the British and Americans, and had already launched its bombers.
Moreover, the trade war that is taking place around Parmalat only fuels anti-French aversion [the purchase of 30% stake in Italian dairy giant Parmalat by Lactalis has awakened some economic patriotism in Italy]. The grievances extend to too great a place occupied Paris in financial institutions, International Monetary Fund and European Central Bank.
This is the technocratic variant of an old antipathy qu'attisent the Italian, especially when they find themselves enmeshed in the social discontent or nauseating revelations in hopes poorly disguised to divert attention on this feeling recurrent mixture complicated by love and hatred that runs through history and feeds the imagination since Julius Caesar to Asterix.
Also, feedback from Berlusconi battalions media about the Libyan case seems more than excessive, exceeding the bounds of legitimate animosity. Abroad, the Italian offensive against the Elysee improvised must seem both predictable and ridiculous. Libero, Il Giornale and Panorama [newspapers owned by Silvio Berlusconi and used to defend its interests] range from cheap shots based on revelations of the secret services of France, which arms the rebels after he sold Muammar Gaddafi's weapons with which it the massacre, and bad effects of race - such as that which concludes the editorial of the weekly Panorama: "On the other side of the Alps, they should occasionally be remembered that Napoleon was not only their general history.
There is also the General Cambronne. "Sarkozy wanted to lead us in a deadly duel," reads yet. Throughout this case, the worst appetites are involved: oil, geopolitics, Africa, the Mediterranean trade, prestige, everything that makes the sometimes conflicting interests of two nations. Nobody, however, at a time when the personalization of power has escaped any action, can not exclude that "the French enemy" is also an intimate enemy.
This is more the result of Silvio Berlusconi, let's say, that of Nicolas Sarkozy. Too similar not to hate. Similar but different enough to conclude, given the abundant visual and documentary evidence (like this video where the Italian leader waved his Romanian counterpart that the French are crazy), that Berlusconi does not support Sarkozy.
After all, Jacques Chirac - with whom things were still pretty bad - still an old man. In the middle of the first round of scandals, he told one day, Berlusconi exclaimed indicating the bidet in his room: "Oh, if those tiles could talk!" An anecdote unsympathetic, but Chirac will is now gone, to leave his place to another.
Less wealthy than Berlusconi, right, with less international experience, is heard, but younger, prettier, classier, more everything. Not to mention the coup de grace: Sarkozy has the "girlfriend" one of the most beautiful women in the world. We owe to Berlusconi for having introduced into public discourse the register of envy and have promoted a diplomacy of relationships.
One can legitimately ask whether one or the other are not being turned against him.
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