Sitting on a garden square in Bab el Oued, the popular district of Algiers, Omar Guebli fiddling with hashish. 42, sweeper works when you have no choice, and the future does not arise. At his side are the usual ones, Hotman, and Saïd Amragh, waiting to drop a china. The elders play dominoes and watching indifferently.
Guebli and his friends, all in their twenties, represent the failure of Algeria, while hardly take root here explain why the revolutionary spirit sweeping the Arab world. People like them, marginalized by the social and economic structures of the regime, took to the streets of Tunis and Cairo, demanding jobs, housing and social benefits.
But they have no desire to confront anyone. "We've done the revolution, and put the dead, and it did not help," says Hotman, hands in the MC Athletic Bilbao. Neither he nor his colleagues know what to do tomorrow. Are they too tight at home, spend a month in the municipal cleaning service in return for 190 euros, and then return to the plaza, drinking coffee and smoking Marlboros of imitation, as 60% of snuff sold.
Bab el Oued was the embryo of the revolt of the meal of 1988. Guebli was 19. "We fight for bread and dignity until police crushed us. They called us and gave us like criminals. " 500 people died in that uprising, the regime replenishing cauterized filled with low-priced products. That rebellion led to the political and economic openness, two years later, in 1990 led the Islamists to win municipal elections, the preamble to his victory in the parliamentary elections of 91.
Inspired by the Iranian revolution, were preparing to establish the Islamic republic, when the military staged a coup that ended with them. Picked out a civil war that swept away more than 150,000 Algerians in nine years. "Certainly we've done the revolution and I do not work again," said the journalist Ihsane el Kadi while nailing the fork in the brain of a sheep.
Middle skull roast lamb is a lunch that only calls from time to time. "I like a lot but is very heavy," he admits as he reflects on the burden of civil war in the changes that part of the political opposition is trying to impose the regime of President Bouteflika. "There were many dead people, as always, was the worst part.
The government gunmen were atrocious, like the Islamist guerrillas. Traumatized a generation. " Guebli remember when in Bab el Oued, stronghold of the Islamic Salvation Front, the fundamentalists behead women not wearing veils and mutilated hands which caught stealing. The fear of this horror did not prevent the district back to stain of blood in the black riots of spring 2001, when at least 132 people died in a year of fighting with the power, especially in the region of Kabylia .
"All these tragedies are so new that people prefer an agreed exchange, without violence," says El Kadi. Hence, the National Coordinator for Change and Democracy platform, which has already convened two demonstrations in Algiers, prefer to go slowly. "It is true that it will cost more time and, perhaps, we lack a better organization, but going in the right direction," explains Professor Bumala Fodil, who helped to found in January, when youth riots broke out in Algiers.
These surveys, sporadic, have not led a resistance movement because a few young people have taken to the streets do not care orders made no political coordinator. "The state of emergency in force since 1992-said El Kadi with half-digested, has decimated the opposition, divided into more than 40 games and discredited by their constant bickering.
There is no charismatic leader, one who can take charge. " The scheme takes advantage of the political and social fragmentation to gain time in exchange for improvements in those groups, such as students, nurses and clerks, who are on strike. "I just want my salary go up and help me pay my rent and increase health coverage and stop treating me like a slave," said a secretary in front of the courthouse, tired of working 8 to 4 without pause .
"What if I want a regime change? I just want to fix me mine. " 
Guebli and his friends, all in their twenties, represent the failure of Algeria, while hardly take root here explain why the revolutionary spirit sweeping the Arab world. People like them, marginalized by the social and economic structures of the regime, took to the streets of Tunis and Cairo, demanding jobs, housing and social benefits.
But they have no desire to confront anyone. "We've done the revolution, and put the dead, and it did not help," says Hotman, hands in the MC Athletic Bilbao. Neither he nor his colleagues know what to do tomorrow. Are they too tight at home, spend a month in the municipal cleaning service in return for 190 euros, and then return to the plaza, drinking coffee and smoking Marlboros of imitation, as 60% of snuff sold.
Bab el Oued was the embryo of the revolt of the meal of 1988. Guebli was 19. "We fight for bread and dignity until police crushed us. They called us and gave us like criminals. " 500 people died in that uprising, the regime replenishing cauterized filled with low-priced products. That rebellion led to the political and economic openness, two years later, in 1990 led the Islamists to win municipal elections, the preamble to his victory in the parliamentary elections of 91.
Inspired by the Iranian revolution, were preparing to establish the Islamic republic, when the military staged a coup that ended with them. Picked out a civil war that swept away more than 150,000 Algerians in nine years. "Certainly we've done the revolution and I do not work again," said the journalist Ihsane el Kadi while nailing the fork in the brain of a sheep.
Middle skull roast lamb is a lunch that only calls from time to time. "I like a lot but is very heavy," he admits as he reflects on the burden of civil war in the changes that part of the political opposition is trying to impose the regime of President Bouteflika. "There were many dead people, as always, was the worst part.
The government gunmen were atrocious, like the Islamist guerrillas. Traumatized a generation. " Guebli remember when in Bab el Oued, stronghold of the Islamic Salvation Front, the fundamentalists behead women not wearing veils and mutilated hands which caught stealing. The fear of this horror did not prevent the district back to stain of blood in the black riots of spring 2001, when at least 132 people died in a year of fighting with the power, especially in the region of Kabylia .
"All these tragedies are so new that people prefer an agreed exchange, without violence," says El Kadi. Hence, the National Coordinator for Change and Democracy platform, which has already convened two demonstrations in Algiers, prefer to go slowly. "It is true that it will cost more time and, perhaps, we lack a better organization, but going in the right direction," explains Professor Bumala Fodil, who helped to found in January, when youth riots broke out in Algiers.
These surveys, sporadic, have not led a resistance movement because a few young people have taken to the streets do not care orders made no political coordinator. "The state of emergency in force since 1992-said El Kadi with half-digested, has decimated the opposition, divided into more than 40 games and discredited by their constant bickering.
There is no charismatic leader, one who can take charge. " The scheme takes advantage of the political and social fragmentation to gain time in exchange for improvements in those groups, such as students, nurses and clerks, who are on strike. "I just want my salary go up and help me pay my rent and increase health coverage and stop treating me like a slave," said a secretary in front of the courthouse, tired of working 8 to 4 without pause .
"What if I want a regime change? I just want to fix me mine. "
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