German film director Cyril Tuschi, "Khodorkovsky" dedicated to the figure of Russian tycoon jailed since 2003 in Siberia, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, has had great impact on the Berlin film festival. Copies of the film were stolen from a hotel room in Bali and in an office in Berlin, says the director, adding tension to the case detective.
The film reflects a very superficial knowledge of recent Russian and, although not without interest, resulting in the usual demonization beatification of Khodorkovsky and Putin, two characters that belong to the same system. Tuschi, which seems not very well targeted on the issue it addresses, it confuses the Moscow Communist youth of the seventies and eighties, which belonged Khodorkovsky, the Stalinist idealism of the thirties reflected on the novel by Nikolai Ostrovsky, "This tempered steel.
" In reality, the Komsomol of Khodorkovsky was opportunistic revelers club with too much alcohol at their parties, and zero idealism. With Mikhail Gorbachev's reform youthful careerists that society was the possibility of doing business easier, thanks to trade based on non-convertibility of the ruble to ordinary mortals.
The film also gives us a tour of the "charities" that the magnate sowed and like something out of the U.S. company that Khodorkovsky hired image in its last stage. Much of what is good in the film, appears buried in these stories and illusions, which complicates an understanding would be the case by the uninformed viewer.
Khodorkovsky made his first money, thanks to a license to buy computers abroad in convertible rubles and sell them in Russia. It was then, at the time of Menatep group, when I met him. Tuschi is presented properly as a person, intelligent, quiet, pleasant and unobtrusive, but ignores the essential.
Violating the pact Sicilian In a country where the oil and gas exports account for 40% of the national budget and 55% of export revenues, presided in 2003 Khodorkovsky's leading oil company, Yukos. His missteps were facing the Kremlin, breaking the covenant established between the Sicilian magnates who participated in the great scam of the Russian energy privatization of the nineties, and that led State.
Under Putin, the political control of gas and oil, was-and remains-almost the only means of asserting Russia as a power. Khodorkovsky wanted to sell 40% of Yukos to Exxon, the world's first oil. Neocon institutions invested in Washington, was photographed with George W. Bush and increased oil production from Yukos, according to the U.S.
strategy of pricing linked to the Iraq war. He believed the foreign sponsorship could sustain its political challenge to the Kremlin, but that was playing with fire. The move affected the Russian geopolitics of resources. Allowing an American consortium controlled the Russian oil was excessive.
In addition to the support offered to the rickety Khodorkovsky and desperate Russian opposition, or the commentary attributed to him, that with X million dollars could become the next President of Russia, its fate was settled. In an interview in the late nineties, Khodorkovsky himself said that the key to his success was, in fact, scrupulously observe that covenant Sicilian political subordination to the state.
Two other tycoons less intelligent than before he broke it, Vladimir Gusinsky and Boris Berezovsky, were forced into exile. The blindness of Khodorkovsky, his miscalculation was impressive. Very inconsistent with his own thesis, which was exposed in his last contact with it daily. The best of the Kremlin peoresTambién Khodorkovsky gave him the opportunity to go into exile, but he refused and that's the time of his quixotic and admirable attitude: Siberia chose to leave.
That makes him, says his former lawyer Dmitri Gololobov, "the best of the worst" in the least repulsive of the group of Russian tycoons who made their fortunes on the theft and crime led by the "market state" established by Boris Yeltsin. This concept of "market state" what I used in my book on Russia to set a unique table then thought of that country.
Today, in view of widespread political under the neoliberal scam deserves everywhere, I might have to revise and extend the concept .... Anyway, almost all those magnates, the famous "seven bankers" were Jews, one important aspect that illustrates the cunning of the Russian state bureaucracy.
It was no accident that the Kremlin chose the Jews for the role of tycoons. Where to rebel against the state would assert an independent game of the Kremlin, as happened with three of them, remove them and disqualify them was much easier, given the cultural and latent anti-Semitism of much of Russian opinion.
In any case, this time preferring quixotic Khodorkovsky Siberian exile, was the look he decided to Tuschi, himself a descendant of a family of Jewish merchants in St. Petersburg, to make his film. But take, from that moment worthy, a beatification of the character in the context of the demonization of Putin, just for the fact that the former is in line with Western interests, and the second to some statement of Russian power, is fraudulent.
Reminds the glorification of Boris Yeltsin as an alternative to Mikhail Gorbachev, performed between 1988 and 1999, many of the same sectors and authors involved in the case today. See for example the article by David Remnick, who during the perestroika was a correspondent crossed the Cold War in Russia was awarded the Pulitzer in The New Yorker December, of which he is or what it publishes on The New York Khodorkovsky Times, also run by a former Moscow correspondent of the same profile, Bill Keller.
Therefore, with this film, this is a product of the post-cold war over, the usual vision of Russia to cross the current service and interest, which has little to do with human rights and genuine democracy. Product of the System The simple fact is that Khodorkovsky and Putin are the product of the parasitic and corrupt system created in 1993 by Boris Yeltsin to the enthusiastic applause of the West.
Within that system, Russia has no great alternatives. The leadership of a tycoon would probably be even worse than Putin and his boys of the former KGB, which, in the name of defending the State, inevitably have been getting increasingly corrupt state. That system has proved incapable of modernizing and economic and social development of Russia, even with oil prices in their favor, as is evident from the fact that in recent years, the human development index has fallen while Russia GDP grew in a fairly dynamic.
By its very nature of oligarchic capitalism Putin and Khodorkovsky is a system that generates a growing social injustice and that becomes worthless any attempt to "social policy." Today more than half of the Russian oil industry is in private hands, not just reinvested in modernization and care only about their profits.
The aluminum industry is 100% private. The bank at 70%, including the three largest banks. Hidden income of the underground economy represents between 30% and 35% of Russian GDP. About 60% of Russian companies have criminal links, according to the federal department's own estimate of Russian statistics ...
Khodorkovsky, not as a person but as a phenomenon, not the white knight of Russian politics, not a better alternative to what Putin represents. Both represent a system that, to prosper in a socially sustainable, more democratic, Russian society will wipe out some sort of "Egyptian revolution." The viewing will end sooner rather than later. 
The film reflects a very superficial knowledge of recent Russian and, although not without interest, resulting in the usual demonization beatification of Khodorkovsky and Putin, two characters that belong to the same system. Tuschi, which seems not very well targeted on the issue it addresses, it confuses the Moscow Communist youth of the seventies and eighties, which belonged Khodorkovsky, the Stalinist idealism of the thirties reflected on the novel by Nikolai Ostrovsky, "This tempered steel.
" In reality, the Komsomol of Khodorkovsky was opportunistic revelers club with too much alcohol at their parties, and zero idealism. With Mikhail Gorbachev's reform youthful careerists that society was the possibility of doing business easier, thanks to trade based on non-convertibility of the ruble to ordinary mortals.
The film also gives us a tour of the "charities" that the magnate sowed and like something out of the U.S. company that Khodorkovsky hired image in its last stage. Much of what is good in the film, appears buried in these stories and illusions, which complicates an understanding would be the case by the uninformed viewer.
Khodorkovsky made his first money, thanks to a license to buy computers abroad in convertible rubles and sell them in Russia. It was then, at the time of Menatep group, when I met him. Tuschi is presented properly as a person, intelligent, quiet, pleasant and unobtrusive, but ignores the essential.
Violating the pact Sicilian In a country where the oil and gas exports account for 40% of the national budget and 55% of export revenues, presided in 2003 Khodorkovsky's leading oil company, Yukos. His missteps were facing the Kremlin, breaking the covenant established between the Sicilian magnates who participated in the great scam of the Russian energy privatization of the nineties, and that led State.
Under Putin, the political control of gas and oil, was-and remains-almost the only means of asserting Russia as a power. Khodorkovsky wanted to sell 40% of Yukos to Exxon, the world's first oil. Neocon institutions invested in Washington, was photographed with George W. Bush and increased oil production from Yukos, according to the U.S.
strategy of pricing linked to the Iraq war. He believed the foreign sponsorship could sustain its political challenge to the Kremlin, but that was playing with fire. The move affected the Russian geopolitics of resources. Allowing an American consortium controlled the Russian oil was excessive.
In addition to the support offered to the rickety Khodorkovsky and desperate Russian opposition, or the commentary attributed to him, that with X million dollars could become the next President of Russia, its fate was settled. In an interview in the late nineties, Khodorkovsky himself said that the key to his success was, in fact, scrupulously observe that covenant Sicilian political subordination to the state.
Two other tycoons less intelligent than before he broke it, Vladimir Gusinsky and Boris Berezovsky, were forced into exile. The blindness of Khodorkovsky, his miscalculation was impressive. Very inconsistent with his own thesis, which was exposed in his last contact with it daily. The best of the Kremlin peoresTambién Khodorkovsky gave him the opportunity to go into exile, but he refused and that's the time of his quixotic and admirable attitude: Siberia chose to leave.
That makes him, says his former lawyer Dmitri Gololobov, "the best of the worst" in the least repulsive of the group of Russian tycoons who made their fortunes on the theft and crime led by the "market state" established by Boris Yeltsin. This concept of "market state" what I used in my book on Russia to set a unique table then thought of that country.
Today, in view of widespread political under the neoliberal scam deserves everywhere, I might have to revise and extend the concept .... Anyway, almost all those magnates, the famous "seven bankers" were Jews, one important aspect that illustrates the cunning of the Russian state bureaucracy.
It was no accident that the Kremlin chose the Jews for the role of tycoons. Where to rebel against the state would assert an independent game of the Kremlin, as happened with three of them, remove them and disqualify them was much easier, given the cultural and latent anti-Semitism of much of Russian opinion.
In any case, this time preferring quixotic Khodorkovsky Siberian exile, was the look he decided to Tuschi, himself a descendant of a family of Jewish merchants in St. Petersburg, to make his film. But take, from that moment worthy, a beatification of the character in the context of the demonization of Putin, just for the fact that the former is in line with Western interests, and the second to some statement of Russian power, is fraudulent.
Reminds the glorification of Boris Yeltsin as an alternative to Mikhail Gorbachev, performed between 1988 and 1999, many of the same sectors and authors involved in the case today. See for example the article by David Remnick, who during the perestroika was a correspondent crossed the Cold War in Russia was awarded the Pulitzer in The New Yorker December, of which he is or what it publishes on The New York Khodorkovsky Times, also run by a former Moscow correspondent of the same profile, Bill Keller.
Therefore, with this film, this is a product of the post-cold war over, the usual vision of Russia to cross the current service and interest, which has little to do with human rights and genuine democracy. Product of the System The simple fact is that Khodorkovsky and Putin are the product of the parasitic and corrupt system created in 1993 by Boris Yeltsin to the enthusiastic applause of the West.
Within that system, Russia has no great alternatives. The leadership of a tycoon would probably be even worse than Putin and his boys of the former KGB, which, in the name of defending the State, inevitably have been getting increasingly corrupt state. That system has proved incapable of modernizing and economic and social development of Russia, even with oil prices in their favor, as is evident from the fact that in recent years, the human development index has fallen while Russia GDP grew in a fairly dynamic.
By its very nature of oligarchic capitalism Putin and Khodorkovsky is a system that generates a growing social injustice and that becomes worthless any attempt to "social policy." Today more than half of the Russian oil industry is in private hands, not just reinvested in modernization and care only about their profits.
The aluminum industry is 100% private. The bank at 70%, including the three largest banks. Hidden income of the underground economy represents between 30% and 35% of Russian GDP. About 60% of Russian companies have criminal links, according to the federal department's own estimate of Russian statistics ...
Khodorkovsky, not as a person but as a phenomenon, not the white knight of Russian politics, not a better alternative to what Putin represents. Both represent a system that, to prosper in a socially sustainable, more democratic, Russian society will wipe out some sort of "Egyptian revolution." The viewing will end sooner rather than later.
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