"Impossible is not French", told the Emperor Napoleon. Nicolas Sarkozy, he has dared the impossible. Faced with a difficult situation domestically and outside, he was not content to wait for better days. Overnight, the "diplomat of reconciliation", which had courted and supported the despot Gaddafi through the Tunisian leader Ben Ali, has evolved into a fiery freedom fighter.
Suddenly, once again, the French are ahead of them an international referee who does not remain helpless against the bloodshed ahead in Benghazi, and who knows how to use military force to show that there is a dictatorship limits. With the exception of the far-right National Front, all parties have praised Sarkozy for his intervention decided in favor of the civilian population Jamahiriya.
Determined opponents from the conventional right, as Dominique de Villepin or François Bayrou, have closed ranks behind him. Jean-Marc Ayrault, President of the Socialist Group in the Assembly, Sarkozy praised the Chamber for his diplomatic success. Previously, the Socialist had bluntly criticized Sarkozy's policy in North Africa and had, by his remonstrances, contributed from the Foreign Minister Michele Alliot-Marie.
Contrary to what happens in Germany, the chief executive does not in France to convince Parliament on matters of war and peace. Pursuant to Article 35, when he sends troops into foreign territory, it is only required to notify members within three days. Moreover, through a constitutional amendment, Sarkozy has ensured that members now have their say regarding the extension of overseas deployments, as soon as they exceed four months.
Sarkozy trusted the Bonapartist reaction of his countrymen, who are able to show quite supportive of their army. Provided that the military campaign reflects their sense of justice. Until now, the president did not err by adjusting the image that to them the French, who see their country willingly as a middle power generous rushing to the aid of the oppressed.
As army chief and commander in chief, Sarkozy managed to present himself as the father of the nation, rallying, what it was rarely reached so far. Certainly, the national agreement does not doubt that a military success in Libya. The Foreign Minister Alain Juppe has openly discussed the risks to the National Assembly.
But, beyond political divides, the idea has emerged that France had more to lose than to show passive attempt to save by armed insurgents Libyans. This intervention was clearly a warning to autocratic regimes in North Africa, whose tendency to repression is well known to the former colonial power, and guardianship.
The will to reform a sovereign as the Moroccan King Mohammed VI is expected to emerge stronger. From the beginning, the French president has sought the support of the British. Their close military cooperation, joy to regain a leadership role that the Franco-British had played since the Suez crisis should not obscure the fact that Sarkozy was not prepared for the German retreat.
He did not count on a German military deployment. But he had interpreted the Berlin support for revolutionary movements in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya as the sign at the decisive moment, the federal government would not hesitate to give the go to the Security Council of UN. The fact that Germany, New York, has proved to be an unreliable partner that Portugal has permanently upset the French diplomacy.
We will soon be asked if "that Germany" does deserve a permanent seat on the Security Council. Nicolas Sarkozy reportedly said that while Germany would react that way, there could be foreign policy and European security. The bitterness is compounded by the fact that the German Minister of Foreign Affairs [Westerwelle] continues to openly question the military intervention, as if the decision had already been taken.
Of senior diplomats recall that former President Jacques Chirac had managed to silence the guns spoke while in Iraq. President Sarkozy welcomes however that the intervention in Libya could redefine the distribution of tasks between the U.S. and Europe. Despite stiff resistance, he imposed the return of France into the integrated command structure of NATO.
He is now trying to show that France, marked by the desire for independence Gaullist, has not affected his desire to claim. That's why he tries not to focus on the necessary involvement of the Alliance and stresses the leading role of France and Great Britain. He took advantage of the desire of knowingly Obama share the work, which costs less to advance America as a "primary hawk" of the Libyan intervention in the eyes of the Muslim world.
Sarkozy is at his best when he has to take bold decisions at the speed of lightning. Neither he nor Europe has an interest in the conflict becomes a war of attrition against Gaddafi. 
Suddenly, once again, the French are ahead of them an international referee who does not remain helpless against the bloodshed ahead in Benghazi, and who knows how to use military force to show that there is a dictatorship limits. With the exception of the far-right National Front, all parties have praised Sarkozy for his intervention decided in favor of the civilian population Jamahiriya.
Determined opponents from the conventional right, as Dominique de Villepin or François Bayrou, have closed ranks behind him. Jean-Marc Ayrault, President of the Socialist Group in the Assembly, Sarkozy praised the Chamber for his diplomatic success. Previously, the Socialist had bluntly criticized Sarkozy's policy in North Africa and had, by his remonstrances, contributed from the Foreign Minister Michele Alliot-Marie.
Contrary to what happens in Germany, the chief executive does not in France to convince Parliament on matters of war and peace. Pursuant to Article 35, when he sends troops into foreign territory, it is only required to notify members within three days. Moreover, through a constitutional amendment, Sarkozy has ensured that members now have their say regarding the extension of overseas deployments, as soon as they exceed four months.
Sarkozy trusted the Bonapartist reaction of his countrymen, who are able to show quite supportive of their army. Provided that the military campaign reflects their sense of justice. Until now, the president did not err by adjusting the image that to them the French, who see their country willingly as a middle power generous rushing to the aid of the oppressed.
As army chief and commander in chief, Sarkozy managed to present himself as the father of the nation, rallying, what it was rarely reached so far. Certainly, the national agreement does not doubt that a military success in Libya. The Foreign Minister Alain Juppe has openly discussed the risks to the National Assembly.
But, beyond political divides, the idea has emerged that France had more to lose than to show passive attempt to save by armed insurgents Libyans. This intervention was clearly a warning to autocratic regimes in North Africa, whose tendency to repression is well known to the former colonial power, and guardianship.
The will to reform a sovereign as the Moroccan King Mohammed VI is expected to emerge stronger. From the beginning, the French president has sought the support of the British. Their close military cooperation, joy to regain a leadership role that the Franco-British had played since the Suez crisis should not obscure the fact that Sarkozy was not prepared for the German retreat.
He did not count on a German military deployment. But he had interpreted the Berlin support for revolutionary movements in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya as the sign at the decisive moment, the federal government would not hesitate to give the go to the Security Council of UN. The fact that Germany, New York, has proved to be an unreliable partner that Portugal has permanently upset the French diplomacy.
We will soon be asked if "that Germany" does deserve a permanent seat on the Security Council. Nicolas Sarkozy reportedly said that while Germany would react that way, there could be foreign policy and European security. The bitterness is compounded by the fact that the German Minister of Foreign Affairs [Westerwelle] continues to openly question the military intervention, as if the decision had already been taken.
Of senior diplomats recall that former President Jacques Chirac had managed to silence the guns spoke while in Iraq. President Sarkozy welcomes however that the intervention in Libya could redefine the distribution of tasks between the U.S. and Europe. Despite stiff resistance, he imposed the return of France into the integrated command structure of NATO.
He is now trying to show that France, marked by the desire for independence Gaullist, has not affected his desire to claim. That's why he tries not to focus on the necessary involvement of the Alliance and stresses the leading role of France and Great Britain. He took advantage of the desire of knowingly Obama share the work, which costs less to advance America as a "primary hawk" of the Libyan intervention in the eyes of the Muslim world.
Sarkozy is at his best when he has to take bold decisions at the speed of lightning. Neither he nor Europe has an interest in the conflict becomes a war of attrition against Gaddafi.
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