Popular movements not only require a few tweaks of the system, but a real restructuring of the existing authority structure together with a more pluralistic orientation and socially just. Undoubtedly, there are winners and losers here. The winners are the people of the Middle East politically oppressed for decades.
Millions of Arabs and Muslims have private voice regained its voice. The current intifada, or revolution concerns not only the issues of livelihood or work, are at stake freedom and individual liberties. For the first time in the last forty years, the people of the Middle East trying to write their own history and decide their future.
The biggest losers are in this case the autocratic rulers of the Middle East, who have bled their companies, which have crushed dissent through blood and fire and have ignored the hopes and aspirations of its citizens. The irony is that the visible heads of the various republics are showing greater propensity to vulnerability, Ben Ali of Tunisia's Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Colonel Muammar Gaddafi of Libya, Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen and Abdelaziz Bouteflika Algeria.
Most of them will probably not survive this powerful storm. Monarchies, such as Bahrain, Oman and Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Morocco have also been rocked by unrest and social unrest, but they seem less vulnerable than the republics, although the powerful tide could still knock them down.
At the regional level, Israel is the biggest loser. He has put all its eggs in the basket of the Arab dictators and autocrats like Hosni Mubarak deposed. Israel fought tooth and nail to support Mubarak, who played a key role to step up when the siege of Gaza and tighten the rope around the neck of Hamas.
By law, the Israeli political class has proved its own worst enemy. Iran Israel lost forty years ago to put all your eggs in the basket of the Shah. Turkey has just lost by killing nine activists who were on board a Turkish ship bound for Gaza. And now, Israel will likely lose Egypt, a neighbor whose crucial and essential peace agreement with Israel at Camp David in late 1970 strengthened the superiority of Israel in the region and mowed the grass Arab official channels.
Regardless of governments that emerge from the rubble of political authoritarianism in the Arab world, will show a strong and vigorous foreign policy that will challenge the hegemony of Israel and its renewed colonization of Palestinian land. Meanwhile, the Palestinian leadership of President Mahmoud Abbas has lost all authority and credibility in the eyes of the Palestinians themselves.
Leaked negotiating documents obtained by Al Jazeera, in which they are reaching concessions to the Israeli side, were the final nail in the coffin of the Palestinian Authority. Movements based on resistance, such as Hamas and Hezbollah, have gained increasing popularity at the expense of the Palestinian Authority Abbas and emerge as winners resulting from this major social turmoil unless Israel takes concrete steps to sign a peace agreement and withdraw occupied Arab territories.
Thus, Israel has become a military fortress. The most effective resource available to Israel to escape the dilemma that grips safety is the acceptance of a peace agreement along the lines of the international community, including the U.S., its ally since a long time: a solution based the existence of two states, a secure Jewish state and a secure Palestinian state living in peace.
As the United States, the loss of pro-Western dictators is a major political setback for traditional and classic Washington in the region. During the last sixty years, America has sacrificed everything for the rule of law and human rights on the altar of stability and security, as defined, of course, as narrow-minded.
Washington has been slow to seize the opportunity, but now Barack Obama has warned his aides that the radical changes in the Middle East are authentic and genuine, and urged them to sign an orderly transition to more open political systems. United States played a key role to pressure the Egyptian army in the sense of an abandonment of power by Mubarak.
Washington also convinced the Sunni royal family of Bahrain to negotiate with the opposition. In Libya, after a slow start, the U.S. has taken the initiative to push Gaddafi supporting the wishes and aspirations of the majority of Libyans. However, it remains unclear whether the U.S. will press the military, especially the Egyptian, to renounce the power in favor of civil authority.
If the United States learn the great lessons of the crisis in the region, rebuild broken bridges of trust with Middle Eastern societies. America must not only be in the right side of history. The United States also must become aware that the Middle East dictators have not only led to the ruin of their societies, but there have fueled anti-American and anti-Western sentiments.
There is a relative consensus in the region in the sense that America is an ally in the oppression of them because of their support for the torturers who govern them. The impact of social revolution are also being felt in Iran, where there is a huge void of legitimate political authority.
Iran is a country divided, particularly since the disputed presidential election last June, they returned to place the presidenteMahmud Ahmadinejad in power. After the ouster of Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, tens of thousands of Iranians took to the streets of Tehran trying to challenge Ahmadinejad's authority.
It is also probable that the revival of Egypt weaken Iran's role in the Arab world. One of the main reasons why Iran has been able to influence the Sunni-based Arab societies is that Egypt has abandoned its traditional role. In the case of Egypt re-integrated into the Arab world, and where this can occur, Iran can not easily take their place in the region.
Moreover, the social revolutions in the Arab world is likely deepen the crisis of legitimacy and authority to Ahmadinejad. Anyway, should be aware that the storm has not yet come to an end in the battlefield. It is likely that the transition to democracy is uncertain and hesitant, messy and protracted.
The implementation of the transformation and democratic consolidation represent years if not decades. In any case, one thing is clear: a split has occurred in the region. Or Middle East or international relations are the same. 
Millions of Arabs and Muslims have private voice regained its voice. The current intifada, or revolution concerns not only the issues of livelihood or work, are at stake freedom and individual liberties. For the first time in the last forty years, the people of the Middle East trying to write their own history and decide their future.
The biggest losers are in this case the autocratic rulers of the Middle East, who have bled their companies, which have crushed dissent through blood and fire and have ignored the hopes and aspirations of its citizens. The irony is that the visible heads of the various republics are showing greater propensity to vulnerability, Ben Ali of Tunisia's Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Colonel Muammar Gaddafi of Libya, Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen and Abdelaziz Bouteflika Algeria.
Most of them will probably not survive this powerful storm. Monarchies, such as Bahrain, Oman and Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Morocco have also been rocked by unrest and social unrest, but they seem less vulnerable than the republics, although the powerful tide could still knock them down.
At the regional level, Israel is the biggest loser. He has put all its eggs in the basket of the Arab dictators and autocrats like Hosni Mubarak deposed. Israel fought tooth and nail to support Mubarak, who played a key role to step up when the siege of Gaza and tighten the rope around the neck of Hamas.
By law, the Israeli political class has proved its own worst enemy. Iran Israel lost forty years ago to put all your eggs in the basket of the Shah. Turkey has just lost by killing nine activists who were on board a Turkish ship bound for Gaza. And now, Israel will likely lose Egypt, a neighbor whose crucial and essential peace agreement with Israel at Camp David in late 1970 strengthened the superiority of Israel in the region and mowed the grass Arab official channels.
Regardless of governments that emerge from the rubble of political authoritarianism in the Arab world, will show a strong and vigorous foreign policy that will challenge the hegemony of Israel and its renewed colonization of Palestinian land. Meanwhile, the Palestinian leadership of President Mahmoud Abbas has lost all authority and credibility in the eyes of the Palestinians themselves.
Leaked negotiating documents obtained by Al Jazeera, in which they are reaching concessions to the Israeli side, were the final nail in the coffin of the Palestinian Authority. Movements based on resistance, such as Hamas and Hezbollah, have gained increasing popularity at the expense of the Palestinian Authority Abbas and emerge as winners resulting from this major social turmoil unless Israel takes concrete steps to sign a peace agreement and withdraw occupied Arab territories.
Thus, Israel has become a military fortress. The most effective resource available to Israel to escape the dilemma that grips safety is the acceptance of a peace agreement along the lines of the international community, including the U.S., its ally since a long time: a solution based the existence of two states, a secure Jewish state and a secure Palestinian state living in peace.
As the United States, the loss of pro-Western dictators is a major political setback for traditional and classic Washington in the region. During the last sixty years, America has sacrificed everything for the rule of law and human rights on the altar of stability and security, as defined, of course, as narrow-minded.
Washington has been slow to seize the opportunity, but now Barack Obama has warned his aides that the radical changes in the Middle East are authentic and genuine, and urged them to sign an orderly transition to more open political systems. United States played a key role to pressure the Egyptian army in the sense of an abandonment of power by Mubarak.
Washington also convinced the Sunni royal family of Bahrain to negotiate with the opposition. In Libya, after a slow start, the U.S. has taken the initiative to push Gaddafi supporting the wishes and aspirations of the majority of Libyans. However, it remains unclear whether the U.S. will press the military, especially the Egyptian, to renounce the power in favor of civil authority.
If the United States learn the great lessons of the crisis in the region, rebuild broken bridges of trust with Middle Eastern societies. America must not only be in the right side of history. The United States also must become aware that the Middle East dictators have not only led to the ruin of their societies, but there have fueled anti-American and anti-Western sentiments.
There is a relative consensus in the region in the sense that America is an ally in the oppression of them because of their support for the torturers who govern them. The impact of social revolution are also being felt in Iran, where there is a huge void of legitimate political authority.
Iran is a country divided, particularly since the disputed presidential election last June, they returned to place the presidenteMahmud Ahmadinejad in power. After the ouster of Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, tens of thousands of Iranians took to the streets of Tehran trying to challenge Ahmadinejad's authority.
It is also probable that the revival of Egypt weaken Iran's role in the Arab world. One of the main reasons why Iran has been able to influence the Sunni-based Arab societies is that Egypt has abandoned its traditional role. In the case of Egypt re-integrated into the Arab world, and where this can occur, Iran can not easily take their place in the region.
Moreover, the social revolutions in the Arab world is likely deepen the crisis of legitimacy and authority to Ahmadinejad. Anyway, should be aware that the storm has not yet come to an end in the battlefield. It is likely that the transition to democracy is uncertain and hesitant, messy and protracted.
The implementation of the transformation and democratic consolidation represent years if not decades. In any case, one thing is clear: a split has occurred in the region. Or Middle East or international relations are the same.
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