It's birth, February 11, the National Council for the Protection of the Revolution (CNPV) has given new political impetus to reach a popular protest in recent weeks by social demands long stifled. The meeting in the same instance of the Tunisian political spectrum, parties, Tunisian General Labour Union (UGTT) and associations outside the three opposition parties joined the government organizations and their relatives, changed the gives the transition.
The VNPF indeed requires its six founding principles of a "decision-making power" in the development of "laws relating to the period of transition." It recognizes the provisional government that "implementation of current business" and claimed control over him, including validating "the appointments of senior officials, which must be submitted.
The VNPF also asked to be involved in the work of three committees - investigating acts of repression, investigates embezzlement and political reforms - introduced by the first provisional government, and it calls into question their composition. In fact, a duality of power has begun, which led to massive mobilization of 25 February at the invitation of VNPF.
The provisional government had revamped, meanwhile, let themselves be dragged into a lengthy process of constitutional compliance of its action. The Assembly, dominated by the Democratic Constitutional Rally (RCD) by Ben Ali, has voted, not without resistance, "full powers" to the acting president Fouad Mebazaa to enable it to initiate a revision of the Constitution, which it turned out, under pressure from the street, she had to go through the election of a Constituent Assembly.
The first stage of the Tunisian democratic transition seems inevitably be the election of a Constituent Assembly. The interim president has no constitutional right to dissolve the present Assembly, or to appoint another Prime Minister that he is in office at the beginning of his acting.
Tunisian revolution does not care. The now former Prime Minister moreover threw a stone in the garden of the system by voting itself - as a citizen - in favor of a Constituent Assembly to detour its meeting of resignation. The VNPF is now in a position to impose the control of the election by checking the next government, which technically should be organized.
The debate on the election of the Constituent Assembly, then the inside of the next constitution will probably hasten the divisions within that body of revolution. The VNPF does indeed live the Islamist Nahda, several organizations of the communist left and part of the apparatus of the UGTT.
The strategy of constitutional legality to exit benali failed and lost valuable months in the democratic gains of the Tunisians. 
The VNPF indeed requires its six founding principles of a "decision-making power" in the development of "laws relating to the period of transition." It recognizes the provisional government that "implementation of current business" and claimed control over him, including validating "the appointments of senior officials, which must be submitted.
The VNPF also asked to be involved in the work of three committees - investigating acts of repression, investigates embezzlement and political reforms - introduced by the first provisional government, and it calls into question their composition. In fact, a duality of power has begun, which led to massive mobilization of 25 February at the invitation of VNPF.
The provisional government had revamped, meanwhile, let themselves be dragged into a lengthy process of constitutional compliance of its action. The Assembly, dominated by the Democratic Constitutional Rally (RCD) by Ben Ali, has voted, not without resistance, "full powers" to the acting president Fouad Mebazaa to enable it to initiate a revision of the Constitution, which it turned out, under pressure from the street, she had to go through the election of a Constituent Assembly.
The first stage of the Tunisian democratic transition seems inevitably be the election of a Constituent Assembly. The interim president has no constitutional right to dissolve the present Assembly, or to appoint another Prime Minister that he is in office at the beginning of his acting.
Tunisian revolution does not care. The now former Prime Minister moreover threw a stone in the garden of the system by voting itself - as a citizen - in favor of a Constituent Assembly to detour its meeting of resignation. The VNPF is now in a position to impose the control of the election by checking the next government, which technically should be organized.
The debate on the election of the Constituent Assembly, then the inside of the next constitution will probably hasten the divisions within that body of revolution. The VNPF does indeed live the Islamist Nahda, several organizations of the communist left and part of the apparatus of the UGTT.
The strategy of constitutional legality to exit benali failed and lost valuable months in the democratic gains of the Tunisians.
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