In few words, spoken on television the evening of February 19, Boris Yeltsin has again changed everything in the country. The tactical fight between the two leaders, which had intensified in recent weeks, but maintained a relatively peaceful course, took the turn to open conflict. For the first time in the history of their complex relationships, Mr.
Yeltsin has publicly demanded the immediate resignation of Mikhail Gorbachev. Nothing like this had never happened, even in the most painful time for Mr. Yeltsin. Today, these words into the mouth of the president of Russia seem ominous: The time of compromise, the death struggle began.
It would be futile to seek the reasons of this tragedy in the antagonism of two personalities, although the item "private" has certainly played a role in his time. It is, moreover, the antipathy of the current president of the USSR Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of Russia that Yeltsin the leader and, to some extent, the symbol of democratic forces.
But it is no longer now, the quarrel of the masters ", which" talk lackeys ", but direct confrontation, and inevitable logic of two opposing forces in society: the reformers of hand, radicals and conservatives on the other. Ironically, the former leader of the reformers now finds himself leading the opposing camp.
The logic of his new political line and the "team" which he had surrounded to follow him have demanded a lot of foresight on the issue of power. The idea of the "new centralization", whatever goals they pursue, objectively compelled the President to restore all the old administrative structures.
And last, after the bitter experience of perestroika, can not even do this would be hearing about political freedom and, a fortiori, economic. Yeltsin is a major obstacle for the new power the central power gradually eroded by the declarations of sovereignty, has set a target return to the positions lost.
The "Vilnius operation" was the first for now aborted attempt to do so. Blood "unnecessarily" and paid the vigor with which Mr. Yeltsin ordered the military intervention in the Baltic States have prevented the center to continue the military deployment for subsequent intervention. One can easily imagine that the new task of the central government is now out of its way to the major obstacle: the leader of Russia, whose popularity remains a danger.
The appeal to the people of Mr. Yeltsin, and so he must interpret his televised speech, is not a gesture directed against Mr. Gorbachev as such, but an attempt to "liberate" the obstruction of conservatives on his own Parliament (Russian). The initiative (successful) of the communist faction of collecting signatures to hold an extraordinary congress of deputies of the RSFSR, including its agenda the question of confidence in Yeltsin, n ' has been interpreted by the Russian leader as anything other than a direct attack, approved by the center.
Therefore the role of "observer", "leading off party" Yeltsin is over. In war as in war: by raising the question of the resignation of Gorbachev, Yeltsin requires all - # Russian parliamentarians, the public, leaders of other republics # - to define their position. Whose side are they with him or the center? It is important to note that the intervention of Mr.
Yeltsin immediately following the meeting between the presidents of the republics of Russia, Belarus, Ukraine, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. A meeting whose results are still unknown to the general public. A few days before the President of the RSFSR had met the leadership of the Democratic Russia movement.
What does the future hold? The violent reaction of the central government's intervention Yeltsin leaves clear signal that the challenge will be met. The distribution of forces today is very complex. Side of the central power: the CPSU, which remains a power structure more rigid and better organized, military and law enforcement agencies.
The side of Mr. Yeltsin: the support of a considerable proportion of the population, yet fragile structures of active movement Democratic Russia and sympathy, at least, leaders of many republics. Nevertheless, the worst happened. It seems impossible to predict the duration and outcome of future battles, but it is now likely that nothing good will come.
As for Mr. Yeltsin, he was gone, the day after his televised speech, for two days in Yaroslavl. Y seek the support of the people? 
Yeltsin has publicly demanded the immediate resignation of Mikhail Gorbachev. Nothing like this had never happened, even in the most painful time for Mr. Yeltsin. Today, these words into the mouth of the president of Russia seem ominous: The time of compromise, the death struggle began.
It would be futile to seek the reasons of this tragedy in the antagonism of two personalities, although the item "private" has certainly played a role in his time. It is, moreover, the antipathy of the current president of the USSR Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of Russia that Yeltsin the leader and, to some extent, the symbol of democratic forces.
But it is no longer now, the quarrel of the masters ", which" talk lackeys ", but direct confrontation, and inevitable logic of two opposing forces in society: the reformers of hand, radicals and conservatives on the other. Ironically, the former leader of the reformers now finds himself leading the opposing camp.
The logic of his new political line and the "team" which he had surrounded to follow him have demanded a lot of foresight on the issue of power. The idea of the "new centralization", whatever goals they pursue, objectively compelled the President to restore all the old administrative structures.
And last, after the bitter experience of perestroika, can not even do this would be hearing about political freedom and, a fortiori, economic. Yeltsin is a major obstacle for the new power the central power gradually eroded by the declarations of sovereignty, has set a target return to the positions lost.
The "Vilnius operation" was the first for now aborted attempt to do so. Blood "unnecessarily" and paid the vigor with which Mr. Yeltsin ordered the military intervention in the Baltic States have prevented the center to continue the military deployment for subsequent intervention. One can easily imagine that the new task of the central government is now out of its way to the major obstacle: the leader of Russia, whose popularity remains a danger.
The appeal to the people of Mr. Yeltsin, and so he must interpret his televised speech, is not a gesture directed against Mr. Gorbachev as such, but an attempt to "liberate" the obstruction of conservatives on his own Parliament (Russian). The initiative (successful) of the communist faction of collecting signatures to hold an extraordinary congress of deputies of the RSFSR, including its agenda the question of confidence in Yeltsin, n ' has been interpreted by the Russian leader as anything other than a direct attack, approved by the center.
Therefore the role of "observer", "leading off party" Yeltsin is over. In war as in war: by raising the question of the resignation of Gorbachev, Yeltsin requires all - # Russian parliamentarians, the public, leaders of other republics # - to define their position. Whose side are they with him or the center? It is important to note that the intervention of Mr.
Yeltsin immediately following the meeting between the presidents of the republics of Russia, Belarus, Ukraine, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. A meeting whose results are still unknown to the general public. A few days before the President of the RSFSR had met the leadership of the Democratic Russia movement.
What does the future hold? The violent reaction of the central government's intervention Yeltsin leaves clear signal that the challenge will be met. The distribution of forces today is very complex. Side of the central power: the CPSU, which remains a power structure more rigid and better organized, military and law enforcement agencies.
The side of Mr. Yeltsin: the support of a considerable proportion of the population, yet fragile structures of active movement Democratic Russia and sympathy, at least, leaders of many republics. Nevertheless, the worst happened. It seems impossible to predict the duration and outcome of future battles, but it is now likely that nothing good will come.
As for Mr. Yeltsin, he was gone, the day after his televised speech, for two days in Yaroslavl. Y seek the support of the people?
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