Syrian President Bashar Assad has a better chance of surviving in power deposed authorities in Egypt and Tunisia, where the repression will soon pass the reforms. Asad has hitherto followed the script that has been applied without success in several Arab countries. His security forces have suppressed pro-democracy protests in Syria, which began two weeks ago, and has promoted the exit to the street of counter-demonstrators who have declared their loyalty.
Furthermore, it has fallen into the discourse of blame for the riots to a foreign conspiracy has not, unlike Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak, any concession to the reform. Bashar Asad has enjoyed the loyalty of its security forces, the silence of most Western powers and the support of the Gulf Arab monarchies, which has allowed him to weather the tide of revolution for several weeks.
However, the patience of the Syrian is coming to an end and less weight to initiate reforms, including lifting the emergency law is in effect for decades, greater political freedom and communication, may soon face the same fate as ousted leaders in Egypt and Tunisia. "Asad should not sleep in silk sheets," said Nabil Boumonsef, a newspaper commentator, "An-Nahar 'in Lebanon.
"You must implement reforms to weather the discontent, and not take risks." The protests began in the south, in the predominantly Sunni city of Dera, but later spread to other cities of Latakia and Hama. The first thing people asked was freedom and less corruption, but the violence that has erupted in repression has led them to go directly against the Syrian president.
The countries that border with Syria, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey and Israel are also suffering to a greater or lesser extent, the consequences of regional conflicts. Perhaps this is why their neighbors have refrained from criticizing Assad for fear that the sectarian conflict "may erupt in Syria and spread to their own countries." To some extent, in Syria also has expressed discomfort of Shia against the Sunni majority, according to critics, is protected and benefited from the economic policies of the leader of Syria, who tries at all costs, maintain peace between the different sectors.
"If it explodes Syria, Iraq will explode, it will explode Jordan and Lebanon will be affected equally. We could be witnessing Sunni and Shiite conflict would spread immediately," according to political scientist Hilal Khashan analyzes the American University of Beirut. "In Syria, would open Pandora's box." U.S.
for its part, long embroiled in conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, and now in the campaign against Qaddafi, has refused to show his tougher line on the Syrian Government. Its president, Barack Obama, was only asked to listen to the people. One day after these words, Damascus announced several committees to look into allegations of civilians and a census of 1962 in the Eastern Region of Hasaka that denies citizenship to 150,000 Kurds.
He also formed a committee to investigate the deaths in Deraa. Unlike what happened in Tunisia and Egypt, where the army refused to heed orders to use their weapons to the presidential power to contain the demonstrators, Syrian security forces so far have shown no qualms about shooting to suppress the protests.
Human rights groups say 61 people have died, while the Syrian opposition Mamun al-Homsi the figure has risen to 105 dead. Syria has a history of ruthless repression of dissent. The president's father, Hafez al-Asad, ended years of Islamist uprising in Hama in 1982, killing about 20,000 people.
This could explain why the protestors in places like Latakia and Hama have met only a few hundred and sometimes a few dozen protesters, in front of large crowds that have been seen in surveys of Tunisia, Yemen, Egypt and Bahrain. Syria has even one more step in the crackdown and arrested several political dissidents.
"While some have been released, there are reports of mass arrests in recent days." Beyond the well-known civic activists and human rights lawyers and journalists do not know the "ability to organize a strategy or mass demonstrations" by the opposition. "Security forces are closely linked to the elite while the manifestations are limited.
Yet all this can change," political commentator has explained Rami Khouri. To Khashan, "change is not yet ripe in Syria." 
Furthermore, it has fallen into the discourse of blame for the riots to a foreign conspiracy has not, unlike Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak, any concession to the reform. Bashar Asad has enjoyed the loyalty of its security forces, the silence of most Western powers and the support of the Gulf Arab monarchies, which has allowed him to weather the tide of revolution for several weeks.
However, the patience of the Syrian is coming to an end and less weight to initiate reforms, including lifting the emergency law is in effect for decades, greater political freedom and communication, may soon face the same fate as ousted leaders in Egypt and Tunisia. "Asad should not sleep in silk sheets," said Nabil Boumonsef, a newspaper commentator, "An-Nahar 'in Lebanon.
"You must implement reforms to weather the discontent, and not take risks." The protests began in the south, in the predominantly Sunni city of Dera, but later spread to other cities of Latakia and Hama. The first thing people asked was freedom and less corruption, but the violence that has erupted in repression has led them to go directly against the Syrian president.
The countries that border with Syria, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey and Israel are also suffering to a greater or lesser extent, the consequences of regional conflicts. Perhaps this is why their neighbors have refrained from criticizing Assad for fear that the sectarian conflict "may erupt in Syria and spread to their own countries." To some extent, in Syria also has expressed discomfort of Shia against the Sunni majority, according to critics, is protected and benefited from the economic policies of the leader of Syria, who tries at all costs, maintain peace between the different sectors.
"If it explodes Syria, Iraq will explode, it will explode Jordan and Lebanon will be affected equally. We could be witnessing Sunni and Shiite conflict would spread immediately," according to political scientist Hilal Khashan analyzes the American University of Beirut. "In Syria, would open Pandora's box." U.S.
for its part, long embroiled in conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, and now in the campaign against Qaddafi, has refused to show his tougher line on the Syrian Government. Its president, Barack Obama, was only asked to listen to the people. One day after these words, Damascus announced several committees to look into allegations of civilians and a census of 1962 in the Eastern Region of Hasaka that denies citizenship to 150,000 Kurds.
He also formed a committee to investigate the deaths in Deraa. Unlike what happened in Tunisia and Egypt, where the army refused to heed orders to use their weapons to the presidential power to contain the demonstrators, Syrian security forces so far have shown no qualms about shooting to suppress the protests.
Human rights groups say 61 people have died, while the Syrian opposition Mamun al-Homsi the figure has risen to 105 dead. Syria has a history of ruthless repression of dissent. The president's father, Hafez al-Asad, ended years of Islamist uprising in Hama in 1982, killing about 20,000 people.
This could explain why the protestors in places like Latakia and Hama have met only a few hundred and sometimes a few dozen protesters, in front of large crowds that have been seen in surveys of Tunisia, Yemen, Egypt and Bahrain. Syria has even one more step in the crackdown and arrested several political dissidents.
"While some have been released, there are reports of mass arrests in recent days." Beyond the well-known civic activists and human rights lawyers and journalists do not know the "ability to organize a strategy or mass demonstrations" by the opposition. "Security forces are closely linked to the elite while the manifestations are limited.
Yet all this can change," political commentator has explained Rami Khouri. To Khashan, "change is not yet ripe in Syria."
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